While it is easy to ignore in our contact with them the effect of our acts upon their disposition, it is not so easy as in dealing with adults.
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The need of training is too evident; the pressure to accomplish a change in their attitude and habits is too urgent to leave these consequences wholly out of account.
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Since our chief business with them is to enable them to share in a common life we cannot help considering whether or no we are forming the powers which will secure this ability.
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Religious associations began, for example, in the desire to secure the favor of overruling powers and to ward off evil influences; family life in the desire to gratify appetites and secure family perpetuity; systematic labor, for the most part, because of enslavement to others, etc.
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Only gradually was the by-product of the institution noted, and only more gradually still was this effect considered as a directive factor in the conduct of the institution.
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It may be said that the measure of the worth of any social institution is its effect in enlarging and improving experience; but this effect is not a part of its original motive.
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In undeveloped social groups, we find very little formal teaching and training.
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In the former case the education is incidental; it is natural and important, but it is not the express reason of the association.
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If humanity has made some headway in realizing that the ultimate value of every institution is its distinctively human effect we may well believe that this lesson has been learned largely through dealings with the young.
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Even today, in our industrial life, apart from certain values of industriousness and thrift, the intellectual and emotional reaction of the forms of human association under which the world's work is carried on receives little attention as compared with physical output.
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But in dealing with the young, the fact of association itself as an immediate human fact, gains in importance.
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sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words:.
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Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father’s line or mitochondrial DNA, which a passed down only from mothers.
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When the competitive environment pushed our ancestors to achieve that potential, they could in turn afford more education.
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Thus, in his view, diverse aspects of culture, such as the structure of families, forms of marriage, categories of kinship, ownership of property, forms of government, technology, and systems of food production, all changed as societies evolved.
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The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike.
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The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England.
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The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.
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The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England.
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The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
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So it seems antithetical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and innovation.
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Researchers in the late 1960 covered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally ( ' , or collaboratively) and innovatively.
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Progress in both area is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong.
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Perry incorrectly suggested, on the basis of inadequate information, that farming, pottery making, and metallurgy all originated in ancient Egypt and diffused throughout the world.
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Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.
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Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing.
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More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests Directly to the public , ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $2500.
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More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English- speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry’s work.
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Mean while , many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane’s, as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion.
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Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity.
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Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States.
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In the early 1900s in North America, German-born American anthropologist Franz Boas developed a new theory of culture known as historical particularism.
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In order to study particular cultures as completely as possible, he became skilled in linguistics, the study of languages, and in physical anthropology, the study of human biology and anatomy.
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In his work, he attempted to show how all aspects of culture changed together in the evolution of societies.
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In facts, the more new things we try- the more we step outside our comfort zone - the more inherently creative we become, both in the workplace and in our personal lives.
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In fact, all of these cultural developments occurred separately at different times in many parts of the world.
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In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside evaluation.
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Historical particularism became a dominant approach to the study of culture in American anthropology, largely through the influence of many students of Boas.
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He notes that each individual has many ancestors-numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back.
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He argued that human evolution was characterized by a struggle he called the “survival of the fittest,” in which weaker races and societies must eventually be replaced by stronger, more advanced races and societies.
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Coinciding with the groundbreaking theory of biological evolution proposed by British naturalist Charles Darwin in the 1860s, British social philosopher Herbert Spencer put forward his own theory of biological and cultural evolution.
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But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances.
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But a number of anthropologists in the early 1900s also rejected the particularist theory of culture in favor of diffusionism.
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Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston.
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An interest in the relationship between the function of society and culture became a major theme in European, and especially British, anthropology.
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American social scientist Lewis Henry Morgan introduced another theory of cultural evolution in the late 1800s.
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Also in the early 1900s, French sociologist Emile Durkheim developed a theory of culture that would greatly influence anthropology.
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All of us work through problems in ways of which we're unaware, she says.
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According to the standard history of American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was “So much important attached to intellectual pursuits.”
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According to many books and articles, New England’s leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life.
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A tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs.
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To sum up: a system of conservation based solely on economic self-interest is hopelessly lopsided It tends to ignore, and thus eventually to eliminate, many elements in the land community that lack commercial value, but that are essential to its healthy functioning.
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The evidence had to be economic in order to be valid.
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One basic weakness in a conservation system based wholly on economic motives is that most members of the land community have no economic value.
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Moreover, some have been found to have a valuable function in building up soil fertility.
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It is only in recent years that we hear It is only in recent years that we hear the more honest argument that predators are members of the community, and that no special interest has the right to exterminate them for the sake of a benefit ,real or fancied ,to itself.
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In Europe, where forestry is ecologically more advanced, the noncommercial tree species are recognized as members of the native forest community, to be preserved as such, within reason.
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Here again, evidence had to be economic in order to be valid.
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A parallel situation exists in respect of predatory mammals and fish-eating birds.
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“So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their own end up in journalism,” Newman wrote,“that I am tempted to define‘journalism’ as‘a term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are'.
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Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings on music is unknown save to specialists.
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Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the 20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews.
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Will such variations bring about a change in the overall structure of the food and drink market? Definitely not.
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We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper review published in England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War Ⅱ, at a time when newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the publications in which it appeared.
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To read such books today is to marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in general-circulation dailies.
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This development is boosting wholesale demand from the food service segment by 4 to 5 percent a year across Europe, compared with growth in retail demand of 1 to 2 percent.
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These men believed in journalism as a calling,and were proud to be published in the daily press.
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These gave banks more freedom to use models to value illiquid assets and more flexibility in recognizing losses on long-term assets in their income statement.
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The first and more important is the consumer's growing preference for eating out: the consumption of food and drink in places other than homes has risen from about 32 percent of total consumption in 1995 to 35 percent in 2000 and is expected to approach 38 percent by 2005.
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The Federal Circuit’s action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the supreme Count that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders.
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The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy market.
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That ruling produced an explosion in business-method patent filings, initially by emerging internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online transactions.
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Such food service operators range from snack machines to large institutional catering ventures, but most of these businesses are known in the trade as “horeca”: hotels, restaurants and cafes.
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Similarly, some Wall Street investment films armed themselves with patents for financial products, even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.
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Retailers that master the intricacies of wholesaling in Europe may well expect to rake in substantial profits thereby.
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Retail sales of food and drink in Europe’s largest markets are at a standstill, leaving European grocery retailers hungry for opportunities to grow.
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Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past quarter-century,perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
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Neville Cardus, who wrote for the Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975,is now known solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket.
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Moreover,the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat.
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Moreover, average overall margins are higher in wholesale than in retail; wholesale demand from the food service sector is growing quickly as more Europeans eat out more often; and changes in the competitive dynamics of this fragmented industry are at last making it feasible for wholesalers to consolidate.
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Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern reader shave little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized.
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It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
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In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered.
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In their recent work,however,some researchers have come up with the finding that influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed.
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In re Bilski, as the case is known, is.
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In other words, it is up to the buyer, rather than the seller, to decide what to buy.
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In his book The Tipping Point,Malcolm Aladuell argues that social epidemics are driven in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals,often called influentials,who are unusually informed,persuasive,or well-connected.
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In fact,they don’t seem to be required of all.
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In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz, the U.
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In 2005, IBM noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method patents despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them.
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If people in the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant,for example from the initial influential prove resistant,for example the cascade of change won’t propagate very far or affect many people.
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However, none of these requirements should deter large retailers ( ' , and even some large food producers and existing wholesalers) from trying their hand, for those that master the intricacies of wholesaling in Europe stand to reap considerable gains.
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He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic to be so honored.
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For example, wholesale food and drink sales came to $268 billion in France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom in 2000—more than 40 percent of retail sales.
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For a social epidemic to occur,however,each person so affected,must then influence his or her own acquaintances,who must in turn influence theirs,and so on;and just how many others pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential.
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Despite variations in detail, wholesale markets in the countries that have been closely examined— France, Germany, Italy and Spain—are made out of the same building blocks.
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Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the federal circuit itself that introduced such patents with is 1998 decision in the so-called state Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets.
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Closer inspection reveals important differences among the biggest national markets, especially in their customer segments and wholesale structures, as well as the competitive dynamics of individual food and drink categories.
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Charlie McCreevy, a European commissioner, warned the IASB that it did “not live in a political vacuum” but “in the real word” and that Europe could yet develop different rules.
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But by giving in to critics now they are inviting pressure to make more concessions.
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